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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  AAAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The 
toth 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
origirial  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significan'Jy  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


□    Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


D 


Couverture  endommagie 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^e  et/ou  pelliculde 


□    Cover  title  missing/ 
Le 


titre  de  couverture  manque 


□    Coloured  maps/ 
Cartes  g^ographiques  en  couleur 

□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  blaue  ou  noire) 

I      I    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


n 


n 


D 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relii  avec  d'autres  documents 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

Lareliure  serr^e  peut  causer  da  I'ombre  ou  da  la 
distorsion  le  long  de  la  marge  int6rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texts, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  itait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  iti  film^es. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplimentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6td  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtra  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique.  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exige<-  une 
modification  dans  la  methods  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquis  ci-dessous. 


n~|    Coloured  pages/ 


Pages  ae  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 


□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  pelliculdes 

r~TK  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
L^    Pages  ddcolories,  tacheties  ou  piqudes 

□    Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditachdes 

[""KlShowthrough/ 
uLJ    Transparence 

□    Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Qualiti  indgale  de  {'impression 

□    Includes  supplementary  matsrial/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 

□    Only  edition  available/ 
Seute  Edition  disponible 


The 
poss 
of  t^ 
film! 


Orig 
begi 
the  I 
sion 
othc! 
first 
sion 
or  ill 


D 


The 
shal 
TINI 
whi( 

Mar 
diff( 
enti 
begi 
righ 
reqi 
met 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partieilement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  iti  filmies  d  nouveau  de  fa^on  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmi  au  taux  de  rMuction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

22X 


10X 


14X 


18X 


26X 


30X 


M  |y 

■■^  ^ — *  "  ■'      — 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


itaJIs 
>  du 
odifier 
'  une 
mage 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  gpnerosity  of: 

Metropolitan  Toronto  Library 
Canadian  History  Department 

The  Images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


L'exempiaire  film6  fut  reproduit  grfice  d  la 
g6n6rosit6  de: 

Metropolitan  Toronto  Library 
Canadian  History  Department 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet6  de  l'exempiaire  filmi,  et  an 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  tho  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
othor  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impsession. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  i!»e  symbol  — *-  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimde  sont  fiimds  en  commen9ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commenpant  par  Ik 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telSe 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  -^signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmds  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diff^rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6,  11  est  film6  A  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  t  drolte, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'Images  n6ce£«saire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m-jthode. 


rrata 
to 


pelure, 
n  it 


D 


32X 


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2 

3 

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1 

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3 

4     . 

5 

6 

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THE  .  ; 


Other  Side  of  the  Queftion: 


* .  / 


It: 


I 


O    R, 

A     DEFEN  C 

OF      THE  '^Ji'i^^^ 

LIBERTIES  of  North-America. 

A     N     S     WE     R 

*]?  O    A    L  A  T  E 

l^RIENDLY  ADDRESS 


^^y 


^9 


'W^ 


All  Reafonablfe  Americans, 

ON 

The    subject    o*    OUR 

POLITICAL  CONFUSIONS. 


By    A    CITIZEN. 


NEW'TORKi 

?rittted  by  James  Rivincton,  fronting  HANOVi»-SqyAR<, 
'  M,DgC,LXXIV. 


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Other  Side  of  the  Queftion  : 


O    R„ 


A     DEFENCE 


O  F    T  H  E 


Liberties   of  North-America,     fec^ 


A 


Certain  Friendly  Addrefs  to  all  reafciable 
Americans,  was  jiift  now  put  into  my 
hands.  Some  people  perhaps  have  read  it^ 
for  I  am  told  it  was  publifhed  (ix  days  ago-,  where- 
fore, after  perufing,  itleems  proper  to  make  a  fliort 
anlwer  to  this  pe.formance:  not  becaufe  it  is  well, 
written,  or  becaufe  there  is  the  lealt  danger  any 
man  will  become  a  profelyte  to  the  doarint-s  con- 
tained in  it ',  but  for  rhe  following  reafons,  whichr 
candor  obliges  me  to  mention. 

First.     I   anlwer  this  pamphlet,   for  the  very 
purpofe  wh'ch   alone   the  pampi)Jet  itfelf  is  likely 
fm     -      ^o  efi^d,— to  encourage  the  pa,  cr  manutadory. 

Secondly,     I  anfwer  it  for  the  fake  of  the  Prin^ 

ter,  who  -nua  be  fadly  out  of  pocket,  by  pubi  ih- 

ijig  fuch  woeiul  performances:  And  tliertfor.^  he  is 

.  A  2  hereby 


:  I 


(    4    ) 

hereby  requeued  to  print  this  in  a  large  type,  and 
the  like,  fo  as  to  make  the  moil  on't. 

Thirdly.  I  write,  bee  an  fe  from  the  futility  of 
the  au:hor*s  reafoning,  no  body  clfe  may  think  it 
worth  the  trouble.  And  if  fo,  why  then  he  would 
very  naturally  conclude  that  he  had  written  an  excel- 
lent unanfwerable  treatife,  which  conclufion  mi^ht 
inflate  the  poor  creature's  vanity,  in  fuch  man- 
ner as  to  tempt  him  into  other  imprudencies  of 
the  fame  kind.  The  public  thanks  therefore  will 
be  my  due,  for  removing,  or  at  leafl  preventing  a 
common  nufance. 

Lastly.  I  am  prompted  to  this  undertaking 
Out  of  regard  to  the  fair-fcx.  For  many  weak 
women  may  be  exceedingly  frighted  by  that  awful 
compound  of  threats,   and  texts,  and  homilies. 

Now  tlien,  gentle  reader,  having  told  thee  the 
origin.  I  f^iall  next  acquaint  thee  v/ith  the  charac- 
ter of  i?iis  new  acquaintance,  which  my  Mafler 
James  hath  introduced  to  thy  hand.—- 1  will  not,  as 
is  too  common  with  controverfial  people,  whether 
politic,  or  polemic,:  I  will  not,  I  fay,  ufe  any 
acrimonious  expreffions,  againfl  this  unhappy  author; 
for  whofe  weaknelTes  and  wanderings,  I  have  the 
utmoft  pity  and  compafiion.  On  the  contrary,  I 
Ihall  treat  him  with  the  greateft  gentlenefs  and  re- 
fped,  owing  in  fome  meafure  to  my  very  great  reve- 
rence for  the  Clergy,  one  of  which  he 'is,  as  I  have 
been  informed.  And  truly  lie  frequent  quotations 
from  fcripture,  together  with  the  illiberal  language 
contained  in  his  pamphlet,  will  naturally  lead  folks 
IP  believe  fo.    For  it  unfortunately  happens,  that 

the 


/ 


"i 


I        I 


(     5     ) 

the  generality  of  thefe  Gentlemen,,  from  an  iingai* 
habit  they  acquire  by  abufing  the  poor  Devil,  arc 
too  apt  to  vility  and  afpcrlc  th.eir  neighbours.  Some 
exceptions  there  are,  it  mull  oe  acknowledged, 
which  may  be  attributed  to  this;  that  a  few  indivi- 
duals have  kept  better  company,  and  feen  more  of 
the  pol.te  world,  than  the  rcit  of  their  order.  But 
alack  and  alas!  I  ftar  me  our  author  is  rot  one  of 
thefe  rare  b^rds,  for  the  houfehold  proverbs  and 
tales  with  which  his  piece  is  interlarded,  -if  I  may 
venture  on  fomediing' like  his  own  language)  n.ake 
the  odds  at  leail  a  pound  to  a  penny  againft  him. 

And  now  reader,  if  by  chance  thou  art  a  Prefby- 
terian,  or  Congregationalift,  or  other  Diircnterfrom 
the  Epifcopaiian  Church,  to  which  I  myftlf  belong; 
permit  me  to  a  pologize  for  the  rude  and  opprobrious 
terms  made  ufe  of  againft  you  by  our  author.  Thefe 
things  ought  in  common  charity  to  be  forgiven,  in- 
afmuch  as  they  feem  to  have  proceeded  from  igno- 
rance and  the  want  of  better  language. — And  do 
not,  I  befeech  you,  conchide  too  haftily  againft  his 
brethren,  I  have  feveral  friends  and  acquaintance 
among  them,  who  are  really  Gentlemen.  Where- 
fore it  is  my  earneft  defire,  that  if  in  the  hurry  of 
compofition  ^for  I  have  but  three  days  to  write  this 
in  the  midft  of  other  affairsj  if  I  fay  any  thing  lliould 
fall  from  my  pen,  which  can  be  conftrued  a  reflec- 
tion on  the  Clergy,  it  is  my  defire  that  it  fhould  be 
inftantly  erazed. — I  honour  them  much  for  tlieir 
piety,  learning,  and  ftridlly  loyal  attachment  to  our 
Sovereign. 

An  old  Mathematician  (I  think  they  call  him  Ar- 
chuTiedes)  had  fuch  confidence  in  his  art  and  ma- 
chines. 


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6     ) 


'-k 


eliinfs,  as  to  decline  he  would  Tiovethe  earth  itfelf, 
if  he  coulu  get  a  place  to  Itand  on.  But  pkale  your 
worlhijjs,  .wh.l."  he  was  upon  the  thing  which  was 
to  be  moved,  had  he  worked  his  li.-art  out,-  'twould 
nocnavebudi;ed  an  inch.— In  imtation  of  this  ve- 
nerable icrew-driver,  may  we  not  lay  down  the  fol- 
k^ing  logical  maxim.  A  man  may  prove  impoffi- 
biTi'ties  if  you  will  concede  his  poilulata. — Thus^ 
in  order  to  demonftrace  that  black  is  white,  or  in 
orher  words,  that  black  and  white  are  the '  fame 
thing,  I  afk  only  this  admiffi on;  that  there  is  no 
difference  between  them. 

He  who  in  convcrfation  with  half  a  dozen  friends 
iliouid  in    a  finlar  manner    begin    any    arguiixnt 
wiiatever,  by  afnrmi'ig  the  thing  to  be  proved,  w^uld 
he  notrailc  a  laugh  at  his  expence?  Now,  all  Ame- 
rica contend:i  for   rights,    which  we   aver  to  have 
been  invaded,    violattd,  deftrjyed,    and   a    certain 
Wi-  ter  attempts  to  prove  this  conteil,  treaf:)nable  anci 
rebellious;  v/ha:  (hall   we  think  of  a  writer,    who 
begins   an   addrefs  on   this   IlibjeA,  not    to   half  a 
dozen,    or   half   a   hundred    bat    to   all    reafonable 
Americans,  with   the  tbliovving   propofiti  n?    "Of 
"  airthe  iubjefts  of  Great- 3rirain,  thof-  who  efide 
'' in  the   American  t^)lonies,  are  and  mi.rht  ftil!  be 
"  eajoy  ing  the  bcMe.its  of  an  equitable    nd  free  con- 
*'  ftitution."     As  to  his  quotation  from  an  '*  excel-' 
lent  writer,"  it  may  Ihew  the  Gentle  nan's   read  n^^, 
but  can   never  help  his  a  gu.uent  •,  and  therefore  I 
Ihall  pafs    it  over  in  filence,  to  the  exaarnation  of ' 
thofe  excellencies,  which  he  himfelf  hath  fabricated. 

If  by  the  term,    fablefls  of  Great-Britain,    he 
means  fobjeds  to    the  King  of  Great-Britain,  and 

.^  i-ubordinate 


^^^ 

>■■!** 


I  « 


>,*^ 


# 


^bord'nate  to  the  Parliamonr  of  that  Kinoff^om,  k 
is  an  inaccuracy,  which,  confidcrlng  whaMollows, 
may  be  eaiilv  forgiven.  But  if  thcie  words  are  ml 
tended  to  infinuate,  that  the  people  of  America  ar« 
fubjta  to  laws  made  by  the  Parliament  of  Great- 
Br  tain,  in  all  cafes  whattvc  r,  then  we  fhall  find, 
that  the  firft  ground  this  great  Archim.tdes  intends 
to  fix  his  reafoning  machine  on,  is  what  follows. 
Americans  are  fubjed  to  the  wjll  of  a  Parliament 
which  ^ihey  have  no  vote  in  chocfin^,  and  bein^r  fo 
fubjtd,  enjoy  a  free  and  equitable  conftitutton. 
To  which  1  have  only  two  fmall  exceptions:  firil, 
thele  are  the  very  points  to  be  pro\ed,  and  fecondly' 
they  mvolve  a  flat  contrad'dion.  Now  then,  fup! 
poling  thefe  things  admitted,  after  all,  twill'  them 
and  turn  them  as  you  pleafe,  ftill  mull  you  come 
back  in  a  circle  to  the  place  fiom  wh  nee  you  fet 
out;  flill  lucklcfs  Philofopher  you  grovel  on  the 
CEi  th. 

Shortly  after  follows  another  falfe  propofition. 
Am.-nca  contributes  but  afmall  proportion  to  fup- 
port  the  public  expen  es.  This  for  argum.ent  ake, 
I  wll  grant.  I  will  grant  what  I  fuppofe  lie  meant-* 
namely,  that  America  contributes  but  little  to  defray 
the  public  expences  which  other  folks  fupport.  I 
,,.am  not  captious  in  my  temper,  nor  do  I  mean  to 
cavil  about  words,  Ibr  then  I  fhouid  never  have 
done. 


Then  comes  a  page  about  Mofes,  thunder,  blind- 
nefs,  darknefs  and  deftruaion.  As  thefe  things 
,are  qu  te  oitt  of  my  way,  I  fliall  not  meddle  with 
them  ;  but  proceed  to  the  next,  the  fco-  e  of  which 
fcems  to  be  this.  Whether  parliament  hath  been  right 


It 


I 


6r  wrong,  wc  are  bound  by  the  laws  of  Heaven  ta 
obey  its  mandates.     Ard   in  qiuiliry  of  good  Chri- 
lliiins,  we  miiu  be  ilibjectto  the  Minilters,   be  they 
who  they  v/ill,  for  conlciLnce  fake.     Let  who   \^ill 
be  King,  our  author  is  Vicar  of  Bray.     To  eluci- 
date   all  which  dcdrines,    he  obferves,   that  if  the 
greatei-L  tyrant  on  tarth  ''Nero  for  inftance)  fhould 
ufurp  and  elbiblifh  a  domination  over  us,  the  harflicft 
and  mod  cruel,  yet  f)  heinous  is  the  offence  of  dif- 
turbing  an  eftubliflied  governmenr,  that  a  due  regard 
for  the  rights  and  1  bcrt-es  of  mankind,  would  prompt 
us  to  a  pcuceable  RibniifTion.    To  ih;s  fubmiffion  wc 
are  enjo'ncd,  it  Hems,  by   the  Chriftian    religion; 
and  to  dfturbor  threaten  Tuch  a  government,   is  an 
unpardonable  crime,    and   has    been  confidered  as 
flic  ,    in  every  age  and  nation  of  the  world.     All 
which  is  mighty  reafonable.     Wherefore  it  follows 
clearly,  that  theie  perfons  who,  within  the!e  four  or 
five  centuries,  contended  fur,  aud  by  degrees  efta- 
bliflied    our  glorious    conftitution.     "   A  frame  of 
'«•  government,   fays  our  author,  which  has  always 
•'"  been   the   wonder  of  the  world,   under  the  pro- 
tedion   of  which,  the  fubjeds   of  Great-Britain 
'are  the  happieft  people  on  earth."    I  fay,    t'iofe 
pcrfons  who  have  rendered  thefe  Britifh  fubjeds  fo 
happy,   and  tranfmitted  to  them  all  the  rights  and 
privileges  they   enjoy,  thofe  perfons,  according  to 
the  above  dc  dirine,  muil  be  damned  to  all  eternity 
for  their  pains. — This  may  be  religion,  I  am  fure  it 
is  not  common  fenfe.     Bul  be  that  matter  as  it  will, 
I  fhall  not  hefitate  to  declare,  in  imitation  of  honeft 
Sir*Toby ;   I  had  rather  truft  God  Almighty  with 
my  foiil,  than  the  Britilh  Parliament  with  my  eftate. 
Moreover,   for  the  honour  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. I  do  entreat  all  Other  Sectaries  to  believe,  that, 
^  very 


cc 


(    9    ) 


Very  few  of  its  members  hold  the  fame  creed  with 
this  writer. 

However,  having  introduced  Nero,  Sain*  Peter^ 
Saint  Paul,  and  the  Grand  Turk,  in  company  to- 
gether; he  dcfccnds  from  his  pulpit,  leaves  thcfe 
dignified,  perfonages  to  fnift  for  themftlves,  and 
opens  thedefign  of  his  pamphlet:  which  he  tells  us, 
is  nc  religion,  "  but  to  confider  how  far  the  con- 
*'  dudl  of  the  colonies  is  to  be  condemned  or  jufti- 
"  fied  by  the  maxims  of  found  policy  and  prudence." 
For  it  f-ems  pretty  well  fettled  even  in  his  idea,  that 
riotwithflanding  that  fame  Chrillian  fyftem  he  talks 
of  "  our  temporal  intereft  and  fafery,  are  confidera- 
*'  tions  which  all  will  regard  -"  in  which  opinion  I 
do  moll  heartily  concur  with  him. 

After  this  follows  a  little  more  declamation,  which 
you  may  fee  if  you  have  the  pamphlet,  if  not,  lend 
for  it  to  the  Bookfellers,  and  you  will  find  a  fort  of 
,  fyllogifm  to  fheW;  that  refcntment   is  unjuftifiable^ 
and  complaint  unreafonable^  if  our  legal  rights  have 
not  been   invaded. — Legal   rights, — arid   why  that 
term, ^ legal  rights?    Do   you  mean,   my  Reverend 
Sir,  that  any  right  (that  of  taxing  ourfeivcs  for  in- 
flance,  if  it  be  not  confirmed  by  fome  ftatute  law> 
is  not  a  legal  right;  and  therefore  an  invafion  of  fuch 
right,  will  neither  juftify  refentment,  nor  authonfc 
complaint  ?  I  am  afraid  you  do, — and  yet  I  hoj^  e  not; 
for  this  alfo  is.one  point  to  be  proved  in  fupport  of 
your  hypothefis.     fii  the  name  of  America  I  deny 
it.     But  if  you  mean  to  fpcak  fairly,  and  if  by  legal 
rights  you  mean  what  you  ought  to  make  your  own 
argument  conclufive,   namely,    thofe   rights  which 
We  are  entitled  to  by  the  eternal  laws  of  right  rcafon ; 

B.  then 


ill ' 


k 


■<!( 


{     10     J  ' 

then  the  remainder  of  your  ta(k  will  be  to  fticw,  tKa(f 
our  rights  have  not  been  invaded,  and  if  that  can' 
be  done,  then  to  be  fure  our  coifipUmcs  are  ground- 
kfs. 

Now  then  let  us  fee  what  the  Friendly  Addrefi 
fays  upon  this  fubjed.  Why  the  firft  obfervation 
is,  that  the  duty  on  tea  is  no  tax  -,  for  unlefs  we  pur- 
chafe  it  we  don't  pay  the  (H  ty,  therefore  it  is  quite  in 
our  option,  whether  we  will  pay  it  or  no.^  What 
<;§n  be  more  equitable  ? — I  remember,  abaut  twelve 
y  .ars  ago,  there  was  a  madman  in  the  Philadelphia, 
hofpital,  who  imagined  himfelf  monarch  of  thp 
country  thereabouts  -,  and  among  other  wild  projcdls, 
fuch  as  might  be  expeded  from  a  creature  in  that 
fituation,  he  had  one  to  tax  the  air.  But  may  it 
pleale  yourMajefty,  will  fuch  atax.be  right?  Air 
was  always  common-  and  free,  in  the  tixf.e  of  your 
Majefly's  royal  progenitors  and  predeceflbrs.  Will 
not  your  fubjects  think  this  an  arbiTary  law,  lilcc. 
the  poll  tax  ?  Arbitrary !  cried  the  prince,  enraged ; 
and  like  the  poll  tax  too !  What  rebels !  Why,  un- 
Jf  fs  they  breathe,  they  don't  pay  the  duty,  therefore 
it  is  quite  in  their  option  whether  they  will  pay  it 
or  no.  What  can  be  more  equitable.  I  pitied  the, 
poor  m^n  becaufe  he  was. mad. 

But  you  fay  tea  is  u  luxury.  In  fomc  rcfpcdls  it 
may  be  fo.  And  how,  and  where,  fhall  we  draw  a 
line,  between  the  luxuries  and  the  conveniences  of 
life  ?  Or  by  what  right  can  the  one  be  taken  away,, 
^^hich  will  not  affed.the  other?  Thofc  who  may 
rightfully  deprive  us  of  luxuries,  by  the  fame  ruk , 
niay  as  rightfully  deprive  us  of  conveniences  too, 
Anflif  in  the  plenitude  of  that  power,  which  our 

•     author 


■-Mmwmmmmm^m,mmmimmmmm 


/ 


V 


(  "  ) 

author  fo  apofliolically  hath  conferred,  they  Ihcvulft 
deign  to  leave  unto  us  the  neccflaries  of  life,  pray" 
by  what  Hansard  llaali  we  determine  thcfc  neccfiarif « ^ 

■Our  bafeft  beggars. 


1 


Are  in  the  pooreft  things  fupcrfluous. 
AU6w  not  nature  more  than  nature  needs, 
Man's"  life  is  cheap  as  beaft's.. 

But  to  return. — Our  author  next  fuppofcs,  that 
he  is  arguing  with  fbme  honeft  American,  whoihould. 
deny  the  right  of  Parliament  to  lay  this  duty  on  tea. 
To  obviate  this  he  quotes  precedent/  The  Amcri- 
tan  k  then  fuppofed  to  obferve,  that  the  precedent 
itfcif  was  wrong,  wherefore  no  right  coulcl  originate 
from  it  •,  but  that  together  with  other  ftmilar  wrongs, 
it  ought  to  be  done  away.  So  is  the  argument  ftatcd 
hf  himfelf.  And  he  then,  upon  ii  luppofition 
that  this  tea  duty  is  quite  diftind  from  a  tax  at- 
tempts tolhew,  that  Parliament  had  a  right  to  levy 
it,  merely  as  a  regulation  of  trade,.  Pray  read  thi: 
eighth  and  and  ninth  pages 


«>  1. 1  ■  .1'... 


Have  you  read  them? — ^Why  now  your  honour,  l^ 
will  undertake  to  confut©  every  thing  contained  therc^ 
T  will  undertake  to  fliew^  that  the  author^'s  reaforting 
docs  not  apply  to  his  purpofe  or  fiibjeft,  any  tmrc 
than  the  words  Denmark  and  Ruflia,  which  as  you. 
fee  are  printed  in  large  Italicks. — But  what  will  it 
fignify  to  take  up  fo  much  of  your  attention;  when  it; 
is  very  like  you  had  better  be  thinking  on  fome  other' 
affair.     His  confequence  may  be  well  fupporrcd  on 
rational   ground;     though,    to  his  misfortune,   h^ 
could  not  difcover  it.     The  ri^ht  of  Great-Britain 
U  rsgidati  the  trad^c  of  the  colonics,  fhall  be  admitted, 

»z  Rut 


~  \ 


iv' 


t^ 


,:) 


Hi 


C    12    )., 

But  that  the  duty  on  tea  is  a  regulation  of  trade  and 
not  a  tax  i  this  is  the  very  matter  in  controverly. 

We  are  now  arrived  at  the  confutation  of  one  of 
Mr.  Locke's    arguments  j    which,  fays  our  author, 
*'  appears  to  me  v/eak  and  fophiilcal." — The  argu- 
ment as  quoted  by  himfeif,  {lands  thus:  "  If  parli- 
ament has  aright  to  take  from  us  one  penny  v/ith- 
out  our   confent,  it  has  a  riglit  to  ilrip  us  of  our 
whole  property."     To  confute   which  he  obferves,  . 
*^  A  right  to  do  what  is  reafonable,  implies  not  a 
right  to  do  what  is  unrcafonable."     And  after  a  iliort 
fimilitude  about  father  and  Ibn,  he  fays,  '*  Cafes  may 
*'  happen,  in  which  it  would  be  reafonable  for  Par- 
*'  liament  to  take  from  us  fome  fmall  matter,  though 
"  we  were  unwilling  to  p .rt  with  it;  but  the  cafe 
♦'  can  hardly  be  fuppofed,  in  which  it  would  be  rea- 
*'  fonable  to  take  from  us  every  thing,'  unlefs  we 
«  fhould   have  forfeited    it.''       And  fo  concludes, 
*'  There  can  be  no  right  to  do  wrong."' — And  this  is' 
the  confutation. — I  was  fome  time  puzzled  to  make 
anything  of  it;   but  by  comparing  one  part  with 
another,  we  may  ^t  lead  guels"  that  he  means  what 
follows:  By  the  words,    reafonable  to  take  from  us, 
&c.  Iprefume  he  intends,   a  right  to  take  from  us! 
For,  reafonabk*,    in  the  proper  fenfe  of  the  word, 
will  not  anfwer  his  purpofe  at  all;   bccaufe  if  we  in- 
vert the  propofition,   it  will  be  as  reafon^Me  for  the 
Legiflature  of  this  province  to  take  from  the  people 
•©f  England,    a  fmall  matter  without  their  confent. 
But  that  any  fuch  right  could  exift,   the  author  of 
the  Addrefs  would  hardly  allow.     Throughout  th;.. 
admirable    confutation   therefore,    let   us  fubftitutc 
right  for  rcafjnable,   and  wrong  for  unrcafonablc, 
^nd  then  it  will  ftand  thu§ ;  J  right  to  do  what  h 

'         \.  right  :^ 


V 


and 


(     13    ) 

ri^ht^  implies  not  a  right  to  do  wbht  is  wrong.  To  tnks 
fro7n  us  cm  penny  without  cur  ccnfent  is  rights  but  to 
Jlrip  us  of  our  whole  proferty  is  tvrong.  '^iherefore; 
Parliament  may  have  a  right  to  tal^e  from  us  one  penny ^ 
'  without  our  con/ent,  zvhich  is  right ;  but  this  right  does 
'  not  nccejjarily  imply ^  that  Parliament  has  a  right  toftrip 
.  us  of  our  whole  property ^  which  is  wrong,  therefore 
Mr.  Locke's  argument  is  confuted.  And  in  the  iani« 
way  I  will  undertake  to  confute  Euclid's  Elements, 
from  one  end  to  ihe  other. — Examine  this  argument, 
this  fine  argument.  It  refts  upon  the  afiertion,  that 
in  fome  cafes  Parliament  may  have  a  right  to  take  a 
fmall  matter  from  us  without  our  coiifent,  which  af- 
fertion  is  the  very  thing  denied.  And  fo  the  Gentle- 
man's wits  and  faculties,  after  prancing  and  curvet- 
ing through  a  whole  fettion,  bring  him  not  one  inch 
nearer  the  end  of  his  journey,  than  he  was  when  h« 
iirft  ict  out,  • 

'  So  here  asrain  he- labours  at  a  diftin^llon  between 
the  du*y  on  tea,  and  a  tax.  But  as  to  any  difference 
betv/e  n  them,  that  you  know  is  quite  another  affair. 
No  matter  for  the  difference,  provided  there  be  a 
diilindlion.  May  it  pleale  your  Reverence,  when- 
ever you  are  at  a  lofs  for  matter  to  vamp  up  into  the 
fhape  of  another  Addrefs  •,  I  have  a  dozen  or  two 
fuch  diftindions,  which  are  very  heartily  at  your 
Reverence's  fervice,  very  heartily  I  do  afiure  you. 

Ah !  what  have  we  here }  Another  differtation  on 
the  Britiih  right  of  regulati  ig  American  trade  ?  Yes. 
Here  it  i:>,,  hip  and  thigh,  import  and  export,  back 
ftroke  and  foreftroke-,  blcffings  on  us,  I  fay.  What 
a  pity  it  is,  that  our  author  would  not  content  him- 
Iclf  with  a  fimple  alTertion  here,  as  he  has  done  in 

thofe 


1 


r  »4  J 


W         i 


■$ 


1 


II 


■ 


thofc  InflancM,  which  really  required  proof.  Mbfi' 
unfortunately,  in  endeavouring  to  cftablifh  what  wc- 
would  readily  grant;  he  lays  hisfoundation  on  argu- 
nients,  which  would  overthrow  every  principle  of 
American  liberty.  I  declare,  reader,  it  is  not  my 
intention,  to  cheat  you,  by  re-printing  quotations 
from  the  Addrefs.  But  unlcfs  you  have  bought  it^ 
JL  do  not  know  how  otherwiie  to  manage  matters. 

The  fame  want  of  penetration,  which  led  our 
author  to  imagine  Mr.  Locke's  argument  weak  an^ 
fophiftieal,  now  bewilders  him  widi  a  JackO'Lant- 
horn,  in  the  fhape  of  the  word  Englilhmen.  His 
drift  is  to  Ihew,  we  may  be  bound  by  laws  we  do 
.not  confent  to,  and  yet  poficfs  all  the  rights  of 
Englijh-m^n.  For,  fays  he,  Englillimen  can  have 
no  right  to  be  exempted  from  t?he  authority  of  aa 
Englifh  Parliament.  After  this  he  blunders  a  little 
about  majority  and  minority,  hints  at  virtual  reprc-. 
fentation,  and  fays  fomcthing-of  Englifh  American 
ground.  To  anfwer  which  ai;  once,  thofc  who  da 
not  immediately  perceive  the  fallacy,  arc  defired  ta 
confider,  that  the  perfons  who  make  laws  for  Eng- 
land, are  to  be  bound  by  them  when  they  have  done, 
■  And  that  no  cxiftence  whatever,  except  Almighty 
God,  can  have  a  natural  right  to  make  laws  binding  on 
others,  which  the  law-maker  is  exempt  from.  True 
it  is  fuch  power/ may  be  ufurpcd,  or  through  politi- 
cal neceflity  conceded.  Ufurped  as  the  Britiin  power 
of  taxing  America,  conceded  as  the  power  of  regu- 
lating trade,  which  after  fuch  concefllon,  becomes 
a  right.  Greater  rights  they  cannot  have;  unlefs 
fornc  mode  can  be  invented,  to  incorporate  us  into  the 
grand  legiflature  of  the  empire,  on  conftitutional 
principles.    But  let  us  examine  his  Engliih  argumen|. 


(    ts    j 


The  word  Engllfii  above,  is  printed  in  Italicks,  jmd. 
(eparated  from  the  word,  men.  In  reading  the  fen* 
tence,  leave  out  En^lijh  and  the  argument  is  gone. 
Now  I  do  aver,  and  will  maintain,  that  to  confent 
to  laws  binding  upon  us,  is  one  of  thofe  right! 
which  we  enjoy  as  men,  and  not  merely  as  Englifli- 
men«  In  quality  of  rational  and  free  agents,  we 
enjoy  it.  A  right  granted  b)'  our  Creator,  when  he 
formed  us  of  the  clod.'  That  gteat  charter  by  which 
he  confirmed  it,;  may  be  read  in  the  human  frame: 
A  charter  fealed  with  the  breath  of  life.  To  thij 
right  every  man  is  and  mult  be  entitled  -,  it  is  annex- 
ed as  an  inftperable  appendage  to  ourcxiftcnce,  and 
aitho'  the  Efiglifh  law  h^th  fecured  it  to  the  Englifh 
fubje^i,  yet  a  Frenchman  or  Turk  is  asrmuch  enti- 
tled to  it,  by  the  hw  of  nature.  That  this  title 
hatli  not  been  ratifi^  by  political  inftitutions,  is  his 
mSifcrtune,  and  /  am  forry  for  it. 


^  So  you  fee,  reader,  all  this  trouble  might  hav© 
been  fpared,  if  the  poor  creature  had  not  moft  un-* 
luckily  laid  hold  of  that  faid  word,  Englifli :  which 
indeed  from  the  face  of  his^ performance,  he  does  - 
not  appear  to  underftand.  The  lafl  part  of  the  ar- 
gument we  are  now  upon,  arifes  from  a  fa6t  I  am  not 
inclined  to  difpute,  though  I  do  not  believe  it.  He 
avers  that  we  have  been  offered  reprefcntatives  in  the 
Common's  li^  ufe,  if  we  would  lend  them  over.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  I  agree  with  him  that  we  have  done 
wifely  in  not  accepti^ig  the  offer  if  ever  it  was  made. 
Or  in  other  words,  to  have  accepted  it,  would  havc^ 
b^een  folly.  Now  then  hear  him.  ''  After  refufmg 
jt,  they  have  no  reafon  to  complain."  That  is  to 
fay,  becaufe  we  have  mt  committed  folly,  we  have 
no  right  to  compldin  of  injuftice.  Yet  this  is  an 
4:4ir^6  tQ  aU  rsafgndk  -^ericans.  The 


I 


(  Ifi  > 


^  The  next  attempt  of  this  m^flcrly  Addrcfs,  Is  m 
impeacij  thevald.tyof  thofe  coinpadls,  which  fevc- 
rai  colonies  have  made  with  the  crown.  Thefe  com- 
pa6ls  can  be  confidered  in  no  other  light,  than  as 
covenants  by  the  King,  in  confidcration  of  fettling 
the  defart  •,  that  he  would  proteci  the  fettlers  and 
their  de  ^endants,  in  the  enjo.  ment  of  their  natural 
rights.  If  his  Majefly  chufes  to  withdraw  this  pro- 
tection— be  it  fo.  The  K^ng  can  do  no  wrong*  But 
I.wifli  there  had  been  a  lineal  "warrantee  from  his 
min  Iters.  Some  of  them  are  of  noble  defcent,  and  I 
have  fo  high  an  opinion  of  the  honour  of  Britifh  ' 
Peers,  that  I  believe  few  of  tiiem  would  infiingc 
fuch  folemn  agreements.  However,  fuppofe  the 
King  Ihould  withdraw  this  prote6lion, — Are  our 
rights  therefore  annihilated .?  No.  Thofe  rights  were 
conferred  by  the  King  of  Kings,  and  no  earthly 
I^orentate  can  take  them  away. 


Not  long  fince  I  faw  a  Letter  from  a  Veteran^  td 
the  Officers  of  the  Army  at  Boftun :  1  pray  the  au- 
thor to  receive  my  thanks,  for  the  great  pleafure 
enjoyed  in  the  reading  of  it.  I  think  1  could  eafily 
perceive  in  it,  the  traces  of  that  manly,  generous, 
brave,  and  free  difpofition-,  which  mark  the  charac* 
ter  of  the  Soldier  and  the  Gentleman. 

If,  to  his  Ihare  fomc  little  errors  fall. 

View  his  kind  heart,  and  you  forgive  them  all* 

'  I  am  almoft  afraid  to  return  Immediately  to  the 
Addrefs,  becaufe  comparilbns  are  odious.  Make 
none,  gentle  reader,  I  befeecl  thee-,  but  obferve 
oui  author  here  infinuates,  that  he  hath  flicwn, 
!*  that  in  reality  no  proper  ri^bt  of  the  colonies  is  in- 
fringed 


(    17    ) 


fringed  by  the  late  aft  of  Parliament."  P'-nv  now,  how  hath 
he  fiievvn'it?  Why  hf  th.ec  aficrtcns,  r.o  ;her  of  •vhi.h  ',b  ift 
the  leaft  proved,  as  I  took  occ.fion  to  oMerve  belbc  in  tiea^  ng 
of  them  ref^eaively.— The  fi'lt  is,  that  th-  duty  on  te  i  is  n» 
tax.  The  fecond,  that  if  a  tax,  iMs  a  f.:iall  n^,  and  i'arha- 
ment  hath  a  r"ght  to  take  Ucm  us  a  '"mall  m.^pr  ui^h  u:  our 
confeut.  And  the  third,  that  a  man  may  be  lighifully  bound 
by  law 6  which  he  does  not,  and  cannot  affeut  to. 

Thcfc  are  The  main  pillars  o"  this  form^'dablr  argument;  not 
one  of  which  harh  the  Ica.l  folldlty  :  And  thercf  >re  the  prv;vi- 
4ent  author,  fearful  perhaps  of  the'r  iiiftabili'y,  be:or2  h-  ven- 
tures to  chaVge  us  with  fedirion,  privy  cunCpIra'-y  a.id  reb.ll  on, 
to  anathematife  us  for  falfe  doftrine,  he;e:y,  a.id  "chifra;  or  to 
rep.oach  us  for  hard uefs  of  heart,  and  contempt  of  his  word 
andcomma.nd;  reverts  to  his  original  confidcr?tions,  about  pru- 
dence and  policy,  on  what  he  calls  the  fuppc^fition,  and  Ameri- 
cans the  fait,  that  wc  have  been  really  injured. 

But  thefe  confiderations,  do  not  feem  to  be  well  conHdercd  ; 
becaufe  he  takes  it  for  granted  in  the  iirft  inftance,  that  rhe  peo- 
ple of  Boflon  were  criminal  in  deftr-  ;ying  the  tea.  And  the  word 
Bofton,  fomc  how  or  other  fafcinating  his  imaginat"on,  he  is 
hurried  away  with  a  torrent  of  invcft^ves.  Ti;e  deftiudion  of 
the  tea,  fays  he,  *•  was  a  compound  of  the  groflcit  Injury  and 
«*  infult,  an  aft  of  the  higheil  infolence  to  government,  luch 
"  as  mildnefs  itfelf  cannot  overlook  or  forpive."^  The  only- 
fault  of  all  this  and  fome  more  of  the  fame  idnd  is,  that  n  is 
rather  mifplaced;  for  it  would  anfwcr  tolerably  well  in  a  fermom 
■Againft  blafphemy. 

■  Let  me  intreat  the  reader's  attent'on  to  a  fimple  tale  :  Thofe 
who  arc  inclined  to  doubt  it,  will  hnd  unqur-lhonable  evidence 
in  a  pamphlet,  called,  A  true  State  of  the  Proceedings  in 
the  Pailiament  of  Great-Britain,  and  in  jlIic  Province  of  th« 
^aflachufetts-Bay,  &c. 

Intheyear  1761,  1762,  1763,  the  dufous  condua  of  the^ 
Maflachufetts,  was  exemplary  and  a;knONvlrd^ei.— In  1764, 
theftamp-aft  was  threatened, 'and  a  duty  imp(.ied  lor  raifmg  a 
revenue  in  America.  TheKoufe  of  J:eprelenratives  re<oiv-d, 
that  it  is  unconftitutional,  to  take  their  money  without  their 
confent.  in  176c,  the  feveral  Aucmblies  petitioned  againft  the 
Aamp-a(^  j  whicti  they  had  no  right  to  do,  becaufe //  xt'^J  ^t 


I 

i 


(  ti  ) 


I'' 


4, 


.N.I 


i'l 


Momy    Bill:    confequently     the  petitions    were    difregardleiJ^ 
and   the    bill  was   pafTed.     The    Maflachufetts  then    propofed 
a  Congrcfs  of  Delegates  from    the  feveral  Aflemblies ;  and  th6 
Congrefs  petitioned  the  King  :  but  the  Congrefs  was  an  uncon- 
ftitutionfil  body  ;    wherefore  our  gracious  mafter   (that   year) 
was   afflifled  with   a  great  deafnefs.     In  1766,    the  AfTembly 
petitioned    againll    their    Governor, '    one    Francis    Bernard^ 
for  afiuming,   with  his    Councrl,    the  powers    of  legiflation. 
This  accufation  was  very  jult^  and  therefore  to  make  it  was  ve- 
ry impertinent.     A  Non-importation  in  )\merica,  opened  the 
cars  of  the  Parliament  in  England ;  and  in  1766,  the  Stamp  ASt 
was  repealed.     In  1767,  another  revenue  ail  pafled;  whereupon 
the  Aflcmbly  of  that  province  prefented  a  petition  at  the  foot 
of  the  throne  ;  and  wrote  to  the  other  AiTcmblies  to  join  in  it 
which  was  a  piece  of  great  prefumption.     In  1768,  the  AfTem- 
bly was    ordered  to  refcind  the  rcfolve,  by  which  thofe  letter* 
had  been   wiitten,  on   pain  of  diffolution ;  which  peremptory- 
mandate  produced  a  petition,  and  alfo  a.  letter  to  the  fecretary 
ofHatfe. About  the  fame  time  fome  feamcn  were  prefled  con- 
trary to  an  aft  of  parliament-;  the  people  of  Bofton  petitioned 
their  governor  on  thj.s  affair  ;  but  his  Excellency  had  ntf  bufinefi 
to  interfere  in    the  Admiral's  department.     A  vefTel  alfo  was 
feized  in  a  manner  which  irritated  the  mob,  and  they  were  fucK 
icoundrels  as  to  refent  the  infult ;  confequently  they  were  guil- 
ty of  treafon  and  rebeMion,  for  drubbing  the  worthy  colledor* 
An  army  was  fent  there  immediately,  but   then  there  was  aji 
-aft  cf  parliament  againfl  quartering  them  on  the  people,  there- 
fore the  governor  iiTued  his  conimiffion,  to  difpenfe   with  the 
aft,  for  a  royal  martyr  had  done  fo  before  him.     The  people 
then  petitioned  the  governor  to  call  an  afTembly ;  this  was  re- 
fufed,  for  bufinefs  could  better  be  done  without  one.     Difap- 
pointed   iii  this,   they    appointed  a  convention,   the  members 
whereof  irritated  by  what  they  called  their  wrongs,  pTefentei 
.-ancther  humble  petition  to  the  Kingj  wherefore  in  1769,  the 
troops,  out  of  a  jull:  contempt  for  their  pufdanimity,  fhot'three 
brace  by  way  of  flarting  the  covey.     But  it  was  impoifible  his 
JVIajeily's  troops  could  have  been  the  aggrefTors  ;  therefore  there 
mult  have  been  an  infurreftion  of  the  people.    This  was  clearly 
the  cafe  alfo  from  Judge  "Oliver's  narration  ;  yet  near  an  hun- 
dred credible  witnefTes,  had  the  impudence   to  fwear,  that  his 
narration  was  falfe.     Confequently    to  repair  the  breach  in  his 
charafter,  it  was  neceffary  that  he  fhould   be  appointed  L.  Me-. 
iiant  Governor,  which  happened  accordingly.    In  1769,  the  Af- 
fcflibly  prffcijtcd  another  petition,   againft  their  governor  Ber- 
nard 


if. 


(    J3    ) 

»jb4..  He  prorogued  the  Affcmbly,  went  to  EngUnd  imir\.cdi*. 
^tely,  obtained  an  order  for  a  hearing  on  thepctitiun  upon  th» 
^Sth.  Ot  i-ebruary,  and  got  the  prorogation  of  vhe  Ailcmbly  con-, 
tinued  untU  the  14th  ot  March.  Notwithitanding  ..ll  this,  th» 
Afleuibiy  never  lupported  their  charge  with  any  p;oot ;  becaufe 
the  prorogations  rendered  it  impoliibie  ;  coiilcquentiy  the  j)cti- 
tion  was  groundiefs,  vexatious  and  icandalous,  as  every  body 
will  ealiiy  lec.  In  the  year  1772,  1773,  ^^^^  AlFembly  took  the  ' 
liberty  to  petition  again,  which  was  at  leall  forward  and  ill-bred, 
wherelore  no  notice  was  taken  ot  what  they  alledged.  In  Dc-, 
cember  1773,  the  dutiable  Tea  arrived.  I  have  during  th« 
courle  of  this  itory,  cm  t ted  many  things  vt'hich  were  thought 
very  grievous  by  the  j>eople  of  the  Maliachuletts  bay,  for  tlje 
iakeof  brevity,  and  becaule  the  recital  of  all  their  complainta. 
might  pofliLly  inflame  mens  minds  at  this  dangerous  jundure  ; 
a  tning  I  would  wilh  to  avoid,  for  I  have  great  refpect  lor  th?' 
ffergy. 

In  December  1773,  the  (dutiable  Tea  arrived  at  Bollon.  It 
was  evident  that  if  this  commodity  was  landed,^there  would  be 
liiany  purchalers  among  the  governors  creatures.  JPrudencc 
therefore  required,  that  it  ought  to  be  fent  back.  The  gover- 
nor would  not  permit  this,  and  the  ntceflity  was  then  clear, 
either  that  the  lea  muil  be  delboyed,  or  the  aft  fubmitted  to." 
Wearied  out  with  long  opprelhon,  and  driven  to  delperation  by- 
repeated  infulls,  a  few  daring  men  went  diiguiled  to  the  fhip 
and  dellroyed  the  I'ea. — Upon  this  tale  1  fhali  make  no  com- 
ment, it  needs  none.  But  to  relieve  the  reader's  attention,  I 
Myiil  mention  an  incident  of  a  more  lively  complexion  :—f 
Two  young  gentlemen  found  a  cat  fitting  pea.eab^y  in  one^ 
corner  of  the  parlour  :  Sh?  was  a  geucic  animal,  and  a 
good  moufer.  Young  men  love  fun,  fo  they  fliut  the  uoor 
and  windows,  andfenited  her  about,  till  ihe  and"  they  were  hear- 
tily tired  :  At  length,  in  a  violent  leap  from  her  perfecutors,- 
the  cat  fell  in  the  midfl  of  an  elegant  let  of  china  :  to  lole  a 
China  cup  and  fawcer,  by  means  of  a  vile  cat,  was  tpo  much  to 
be  patiently  borne,  and  poor  puis  was  murdered  for  not  icam-*.. 
pering  up  the  chimney. 

Now  after  this  uigrelHon,  let  us  return  to  the  pamphlet,^ 
and  fee  what  is  faid  about  the  punilhment  of  this  crime,  whick' 
piildnefs  itieif  could  neither  overlook  nor  forgive.  A  very  mild 
j^nilliment  lays  he,  for  it  was  only  Ihutting  up  the  port.     Novk. 

%uttipff' 


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'ftittttingap  the  port,  was,  as  we  all  know,  only  deftrbying  th« 
trado  ;  .  'j  ihat  is  only  a  tr'He,  as  we  (haii  lee  by  and  by. 
Sa  e  y,  (.rie:  our  author)  none  who  have  as  h'gli  a  lenle  of 
public  guilt  asofiT'vate,  can  t.h  nkthis  punilhrnent  toofevere 
fo.  the  crime,  ccmfideicd  under  dl  its  agg::;vaticns.'  For  no 
pe«.p;.*aje  ejit'rlcd  to  the  ule  of  any  advantage,  which  rhey 
vvaatoniy  abule  to  the  injury  of  ethers."  Thefe  obfcrvaticnt 
are  calculated  to  (hew  tlipVqu'ity  of  the  port  bill  ;  let  us  leo 
then,  whether  our  author  ha-h  fortuna  e.y  IHi'.nl>led  upon  found 
reaf:  n  in  thi^;  inlUac^-,  afrer  f.iUing  fo  <ften. — The  advantage 
whic.i  the- Eoiloniaiis  are  deprived  of,  is  their  trade;  and  therc-_ 
fort  heu  trad."  muil  be  die  thing  v.hich  ihcy  w  utonly  ibufed. 
New,  b/^Kit  figure  of  fpeech,  the  deftruAion  of  the  7"ea  can 
be  Called  a  m.i'..tt;r  of  f.ade,  or  wliat  kind  of  trade  it  is,  I  am  at 
a  lofs  to  coacelvs.— Do  not  lay,  that  this  is  a  verbal  criticifm. 
Such  ihing  I  refe.ve  for  authors  of  greater  pe'rfpicuity.  The 
cqj'ty  olev'  y  pui.i'nment  depends  on  irs  relation  to  the  crime. 
M>  w  allAsing,  thai  the  deft)(^vers  of  the  Tea,  were  guilty  of  a 
vltient  outriigeous  riot ;  I  lliafl  be  glad  to  know,  what  kind  of 
rela  on  .h'"^e"';s  in  the  nn.tuie  of  th'ngs,  between  a  riot  coriiniit- 
ted  by  thirty  or  fo.ty  men,  and  the  ru'n  of  many  honeft  tradef- 
nien,  hy  a  to^al  fupe  fioa  of  that  commerce  on  which  they  lub- 
iiit.  Yet  < his  is  a  MILD  and  a  just  punifhment.  I  have  can- 
didly exhibited  the  del  ;qnencies  of  this  people;  were  I  to  give 
jjiem  a  nam*',  nothing  but  that  love  of  peace  widch  faiUtifies 
evi-  y  mtun^  to  obtain  t,  nothing  but  that  Ihould  prevent  me, 
fiom  branding  their  conduit  as  a  tamenefs  under  infults  which 
pr>.Vi.  ke  tliern. 

']  );e  ue\i  a' tcmpt.of  our  wor'hy  pamphleteer  is  to  fljcw,  that 
th'-j vjnlfhjv^n-  of  the  Boftonians,  was  not  hafty  and  precipi- 
tate. '  Ho  reafons  thus:  la  dammon  cafes,  a  criininal 
ou'^hr  ^o  '''€  heaid  ;  but  this  is  an  uncommon  cafe  ;  courts  or 
jufliice  au5;ht  nor  to  '.oi^demn  unheard,  but  the  legiflature  may, 
Kv  •''  ^<^t  us  icii\t:n:ze  the  intHnfic  value  of  thele  luggeftions. 
Aledow  ■  nlo  a  ihee^;,  or  a  hovfe,  or  ravilhes  your  wife,  or  mur- 
ders y  u  f.ith'^r.  JuV.ce  liolds  up  on  high  her  equa;  fyales  ; 
ihe  cr'  's  .uc  aloud  to  the  human  heart,  let  him  be  heard  in  hia 
defen.e;  athcr  ninety-nine  guilty  efcape,  than  one  innocent 
per  ill  :  bu^  Ihou'd  a  man  burn  the  tooth-pick  of  a  court  miftrels, 
or  pievnt  tiiepiime  minillerfrom  pifiing  in  his  pocket,  or  deilroy 
fjnismully  Tea,  to  fave  his  eitate;  m  fuch  uncommon  cafe,  efpe- 
ciaV.y  if  ninety-nine  inno  nt  are  to  fuifer,  lell  one  guilty  efcape; 
in  fu  "h jincommon  cafe  themax'mis,  letthem  not  be  heard.  Dd 
you  ask  why  i  The  ajif>ver  is  plaia :  If  fuffercd  to  nwke  s.  defence, 

they 


(      St      ) 

(hey  cannot  be.conviaed.— So  much  for  the  cafe  t  Now  for  thft 
tribunal. — If  a  man  commits  any  of  the  crimes  tihl  m-Mtione4% 
aguinll  the  known  laws  of  the  land,  lubject  to  acertam  penalty^ 
the  maxim  is,  let  him  be  h^ard.  But  ad  to  ihe  lail  io:  t,  pun.ih- 
abie  by  a  nevv  law,  in  a  new  mode,  both  fiamed  utter  die  tact 
commuted,  policy  is  of  opinion,  that  ihey  ihould  not  bchearJ, 
lelt  che  varlets  Ih^uid  except  to  her  mode  of  procecduigs  .\ga:.iA 
them.     All  which  is  addrefled  to  the  retijcnaLle  Americiuis. 

But  (fays  hein  thenext  paragrapn)  to  uvuive  ihe  .naoccnt 
with  the  guilty,  is  an  inconven  ence  which  always  ncc;^  >rilf 
attends  puniihments  intlicled  on  a  people,  v  he^ner  by  Uv^a  or. 
man.  And  again,  it  was  politically  impofiibJe  to  ieicci  the  nuio- 
cent  of  Bollon  from  the  guilty.  We  ail  renipmber  he  ...  y  <  f 
Sodom  and  vioraorrah.  It  is  an  excellent  leHbn  ro  the  i'rTUvr,.  of 
the  earth.  The  inhabitants  of  tnefe  cit'es,  inia-.nouj  !  y  h-iir 
vices  to  the  lail  decree,  became  fo  obaoxious  to  the  cupi 'uio 
Being,  that  in  aaige?,  he  refolved  to  aelboy  the:  u  Ve.  had  cnere 
been  live  men,  only  fi"-e  men,  who  wa.ked  upightiy  Letcra 
God  ;  had  only  live  ihcn  men  dwelt  in  i.<;dom  a.id  viu  -lorrah, 
no  fire  had  delcended  from  He.iven  to  conlume  them.  .  ut  alai ! 
Becaufe  among  thirty  thouland  foils  m  iiouon,  rhiuy  have 
oftenucd;  in  vain  ihail  the  multitude  plead  innucen-e,  .is  an 
exemption  from  ruin.  Blufli  iiom.in.7  !  This  is  ihy  p.-li  ical 
ncccllity,  which  mull  hereafter  jultity  the  laying  i -at  dctenceiefj 
town  in  afhes,  and  drenching  it  in  the  blood  of  its  uinabitants. 


Merciful  Heaven! 


Thou  rather  with  thy  Iharp,  and  fulpi-'rous  bolt^ 

Split'il  the  unwedgeable,  and  gnarled  oak, 

Than  the  loft  myrtle.     Yea,  but  man,  proud  man! 

Dreil  in  a  little  briet  authority; 

Moll  ignoiant  of  what  he's  inofl  afiur'd, 

Hisgiaily  efience:   Like  an  angty  ape, . 

Plays  fuvh  fantallicktrick->  before  high  Heaven, 

As  makes  the  Angels  weep. 

Becaufe  thirty  have  offended,  a  whofe  colony  is  punifhed.  And 
for  what  offence  ?  An  oifence  fo  fmall,  fo  difproportlonately 
puniflied,  that  the  .eneral  voice  of  the  continent  hatii  declared, 
that  ttiey  fuffcr  in  the  caufe  of  American  liberty.  Here  our  au- 
thor begins  to  le.ive  the  oaths  of  logic,  and  to  enter -t.ie  alleys  of 
Billinglgate.  Beneath  lus  forming  hand,  American  hberty 
ftarts  forth  a  monftcr  ct  licentioufnefs.  And  in  his  idea,  to 
fcrecB  omaua;xabl?f«Uow-cr«fti:ui«»  from  that  PVBtjg  jusncg 

whica 


i 


'I 


t   "    T 


■t  *    1 


wTiich  Icafh  been  created  for  them ;  is  giving  fhelter  to  the  raying^ 
enthuiialt,  who  hath  murdered  his  prince.  — Bold  metaphori. 
»nd  Horld  l.mguage,  are  the  magnificent  trappings  of  rcalb% 
and  truth ;  and  when  tailhood  or  fuilv  is  thus  arrayed,  it  pro- 
vokes at  once  oar  indignation  and  coutempt. 

But  neither  bold  metaphors,  nor  yet  bold  language,  fervff 
fome  caufes  fa  well  as  bold  u/Teitions.     1  liave  heard  of  lawyers^ 
who  by  the  auiltancc  of  ihat  invincible  front  which  is  the  pre- 
fcriptive  privilege  of  theirV  profeffiun,  frame  evidence  as  they  ga 
alonj,  and  ipcilc  fluently  on  fads  which  never  exirted.     In  like, 
manner  and  m  humble  imitation,  to  evince  the  propriety  of  the. 
adl,  for  new  mndeliing   the  government  of  Maiiachufets;  our 
author  fcrnplcs  not  to  alfirm,  that  **  no  privileges  are  curtailed 
*'  by  the  ad,  but  fuch  as  had  been  abufed  and  fotfeited,  over  and 
•«  over,  to  the  great  injury  and  dillurbanceof  th.at  province,  as. 
**  well  as  to  the  ,dilhonour  and  reproach  of  the  ration."     The 
inftitutions  of  this  ad,  r\s  to  their  matter  I  do  not  objed  to;  for 
it  hath  long  been  my  opinion,  that  the  government  of  that  co- 
lony was  in  iti*  form  and  compiedion,  too  like  a  Republic,  for 
fke  true  fpirit  of  our  conilitut:on.     But  as  .to  the  manner;  even 
iuppofmg  thefe  regulations  to  be  a  decree  fubilantiaiiy  j,uil,  and, 
made  by  a  court  having  proper  jurildidion,  ftill  there  is  mani^ 
fell  imp'-opriety. — It  is,  and  while  I  have  exillence,  it  (hall  be 
my  fenciment;  that  no  man,  no  body  of  men,  in  any  canfe, 
before  any  tribunal,  can  be  leg  illy  aftedcd  by  ?nv  determination, 
where  an  opportunity  is  nor  given,  for  making  a  u  -fc  .ce.     Had 
this  been  done  in   the  prefeat  inftance,  pe'l-   ;^'   "i.     M^tjelty'it 
Minillers  would  not  have  deemed  them  fo  criminal,  ai  they  novr 
do.     But  waving  this  idea,  1  am  fure  the  author  of  the  Addrefg 
at  leatt,  after  the  pointed  aiTcrtions  he  has  made,  ought  in  com- 
mon juiHce  tohave  Ihewn,  how  the  privileges  be  fpeaks  of  had 
beei'i  (.!\.:"d  and  forftited.     This,  however  he  thought  it  prudent 

T-:at  Adminiftration  is  irritated  with  Bofton,  that  it  hath 
caufe  to  be  irritated,  I  freely  acknowledge:  And  this  is  the 
caufe  of  the  anger  they  feel,  and  the  revenge  they  have  taken^ 
The  people  of  that  town,  and  the  colony  it  belongs  to,  havf 
been  forward  and  adive,  in  ftating  anddeir  nding,  their  right* 
and  liberties;  they  have  addreifed,  petitioned,  and  remonftrated 
to  Minillers,  Parliament,  and  King;  they  have  founded  the 
alarm,  when  the  enemy  attacked  our  priviltges ;  and  they  have 
been  the  grand  obilacle  to  an  American  tyranny.     If  to  do  thu{ 


(    *3    ) 

lb  a  forfeiture  of  privileges;  if  to  do  thin  is  an  abufe  of  tliemi 
whowouid  hold  Aich  privileges  on  fuch  tenth*?  Molt  readily  d(J 
I  grant,  thar  it  was  ;i  didionour  and  a  reproach  to  the  n;ilion, 
and  its  rukis  too  ;  that  they  fo  often  made  ule  of  their  right  to' 
petition  and  to  rcmonftrate.  "G'eat  was  the  caufe,  or  iuch  frc- 
huent  complaints  would  not  have  been  obtruded.  For  this  was 
tiieir  guilt,  this  was  their  impci  linence  j — luftering  they  coia- 
plained. 

We  come  now  to  the  Quebec  Aft.  On  this  rubje6>  I  fhall  not 
minutely  follow  our  author,  for  the  fubltancc  of  what  he  favs, 
being  levelled  at  the  following^  propofitions  of  the  Congrefs ;  tnat 
the  government  of  C;inada  is  rendered  arbijrrary,  that  the  people 
are  deprived  of  trial  by  jury,  and  that  the  Roman  Carholick  rc- 
Kgion  is  eilablilhed;  if  F  fhall  be  able  to  fhew  th.it  thefe  propo- 
£t:ons  are  true,  th«n  what  hejuth  faid  to  the  contrary,  will  bt 
of  no  avarl.  And  firft,  what  can  be  more  arbitrary  than  this? 
A  Governor  and  Coijncil  appointed  by,  and  dependent  on  the 
Crown,  are  the  legiflature  of  a  whole  region.  They  may  fit  at 
home,  and  frame  edidts  for  the  extremeit  parti  of  that  vaft  pro- 
vince, without  any  one  check  from  the  people.  They  ma^  tax 
the  colony  as  they  pleafe,  or  hand  it  over  to  bo  fleeced  by  the 
Britifti  Commons.  They  may  invent  new  crimes,  and  affix  to 
them  fuch  new  penalties,  and  make  them  cognizable  befoicfuch 
new  Courts,  as  they  fhall  think  meet  at  their  icveieign  will  and 
pleafure,  they  may  feize  and  imprifon  any  member  of  the  com- 
munity;' or  elfe  more  certainly  and  entirely,  to  ruin  and  opwefi 
him,  they  may  caufe  fome  minion  of  power  to  infcitute  an  action 
for  his  whole  fubftance,  and  try  lym  and  condemn  him,  by  the 
Arbitrary  principles,  and  more  arbitrary  judges  of  the  civil  law. 
For,  in  the  fecond  place,  it  is  clear  to  a  demonllration,  that  trials 
by  jury  cannot  be  had  there  now  ;  and  it  is  equally  clear  that 
they  never  can  exift  hereafter,  unlefs  the  Governor  and  Council 
chufe  to  r ilk  and  diminilh  their  power,  by  introducing  this  free 
and  generous  branch  of  Englim  jurifprudence.  How  probable 
it  is  that  they  will  thus  put  a  curb  on  their  own  wantonncfs,  I 
leave  any  man  in  his  fenles  to  determine.  But  thirdly,  it  is  not 
rivil  tyranny  alone,  whif^h  is  planted  in  Quebec,  to  overfhadow 
that  immenfe  country.  From  the  fame  poiibnfiusroot,  aril'cs  the 
mo'i^  horrible  religious  tyranny,  that  my  mind  is  capable  of  con- 
ceiving.— What  ellablifhment  can  any  religion  have  in  any 
country  on  earth,  unlefs  it  be  a' legal  provifion  for  the  fupport 
of  its  clergy?  Look  thro'  Europe.  See  if  Popery  is  in  any  other 
Vianaer  eli*bj;iiicd  ia  any  one  country,  thaa  by  payment  of 
^     /  tythc« 


I 


i 


^'<^. 


?      24      ) 


% 


m- 


i 


Cftljes,  and  prot«5l'on  of  Prieils.  Is  not  this  an  cftabKfhment? 
Is  tt  not  more?  Is  It' not  an  encourap;CTnent  ?  He  wha  wtuld 
go  farther,  mult  relbn  r)  fire  a'^.d  fvvord ;  tlie  arguments  of  thofe 
ba-barou-;  ac^rs  and  nations,  whofe  ann.ils  difguft  humaniry. 
But  th'  4ije  tio'i  is,  that  when  ■^ny  man  is  conver'-rci,  hib  Ma- 
jelly  may  T  he  oleafes  encourage  t!ie  protel'tant  Clergy  as  he 
ple..Te:.,  out  of 'th^  tythcs  paid  beftve  to  the  Roman  Pricft. 
Allowing  ^his  a*-^um'^nt  to  h-^ve  weicrh%  which  indeed  it  has 
not;  pray  -h^/  Hkel"^^ood  is  there  that  any  man' will  be  con- 
ferred? Proteftant'im  's  the.  tender  ch^d  of  freedom  and  fciencc: 
How  then  cm  it  exilt  in  the  bo. d  boibm  of  ignorant  defponfm? 
Without  the  patronage  of  one  earrhiy  Iriend.  Without  a  fingle 
TSf^  to  cover  its  nakednefs.  In  ancient  days  th*?  Rom'fh  Church 
was  a  firm  b  irrier  againft  the  incroachmcntd  of  Royal  prerogative. 
The  Clerp-y  dependent  on  the  Pope  as  thrlr  univerfal  head,  de- 
fied the  menaces  of  kingly  power.  '  Thus  were  p':  pular  privi- 
leges in  thoie  times  frequently  proteaed  by  popular  iuperllition. 

-  Our  Minillers  by  a  refinement  of  modern  policy,  have  adopted 
the  Church  of  Rome  as  a  twin  filler  to  the  Church  of  England. 
Our  fubtle  Miniftsrs  have  placed  the  King  of  F,ng  and  in  the- 
fam^  fituation  with  the  Roman  pontiff  Every  dignitary  of  the 
Church  is  dependent  on  him,  hefidts  which  he  hath  full  power  to 
appoint  fuch  Ecclefiafuca)  Courts,  with  fich  jiiriididions  as  he 
fhall  think  meet.  Thu^,  all  the  bigotry,  all  the  fuperllition  of  a 
religion  abqundingin  both,  beyond  any  which  the  world  hath  be- 
held; al',  all -is  in^his  Royal  hand  to  be  uied  athisRoyalwilland 
pleafjre.  To  this  full  fupremacy  over  their  fouls,  are  joined  the 
fullrfl:  temporal  powers,  both  le2:iflative  and  judicial;  fo  that 
iike  the  .ancient  Patriarchs,  heJs^King,  Piiell  and  Prophet.  To 
finilh  the  dreadful  fyflem,  add  all  the  executive  powers  of  the 
State,  and  enci'cle  rhe  whole  with  a  ftanding  army,  'tis  then 
complent.  ^Thefe  are  f:ids?  ^And  whenever  a  wicked  mon^^rch. 
in  vengeance  fhail  arii.  ;  then  fliall  we  behold  him,  the  civil 
and  religious  tyrant,  of  a  province  which  extends  over  hall  ;lie 
Continent  of  America.  Such  is  the  te-  deiicy'  of  the  Canada 
Bill.  V-ew  it,  confider  it,  ponder  upon  it,  in  the  coolefl» 
mod  tcmporate  difpofnion  ;    behold  its  ronfequcnces,  and  the 

•  mild  ej^  of  reafon  will  be  clouded  with  a  tear-.  •  . 

The  next  part  of  the  Addrefs  is  to  ihcw,  that  t\\t  other  Colo- 
nies nee  1  not  trouble  their  heads  about  Bofcon  or  Quebec.  As 
to  what  he  fays  r^bnut  Quebec.  I  b.dieve  with  him.  tluat' there 
is  no  intention  of  introducing  Popery  into  the  other  colonies- 
Our  Minillers,  or  rather  Mailers,  hav^  more  underllanding  than 


V 


11 


(    i5    ) 


V 


to  entertain  fo  wild  an  opinion.  Nor  would  I  perfwade  mart-* 
kind  to  beconve  Knights  Krrant,  and  wantonly  undertake  tho 
quarrels,  and  fight  the  battles  of  other  people.  But  I  will  leave 
it  to  any  man,  nay,  I  would  almoU  appeal  to  the  author  of  the! 
addrefs  himfclf,  to  determine  ;  whether  a  country  has  not  great 
reafon  to  fear  the  lofs  of  its  liberties,  when  furrounded  by  a  mul- 
titude of  flaves ;  efpecially  when  thofc  fiaves  are  inbued  witK 
L>rinciplcs  inimical  to  it,  and  united  together  in  one  common 
mterell,  profefTion  and  faith,  under  one  common  head,  and  fu^-» 
ported  by  all  the  weight  of  a  large  empire.  Daes  not  experi- 
ence give  additional  force  to  every  folicitous  apprehenfion  ? 

His  ideas  about  Bofton  amount  to  this:  that  we  fliould  aft 
like  wife  foxes,  for  fear  of  being  docked :  or,  in  plain  Eiiglifh, 
yievv  with  unconcern  the  deftrudion  of  that  capital,  without 
daring  to  interpofe  for  its  prefervation.  I  beg  pardon  for  re- 
peating a  vulgar  ftory  :  A  Scotchman  upon  his  arrival  at  an  inn 
filled  with  travellers,  crept  into  bed  between  an  Englifhmati 
and  an  Irifhman:  towards  the  morning  the  Engliihman  wa» 
awaked  by  an  inundation  from  his  new  bed-fellow,  "  zounds^ 
**  fays  he,  what  are  you  about  ?"  Hoot,  hoot,  mon,  cried  th« 
politic  Scot,  **  lye  down  quiet ;  1  iiave  done  worfe  to  him  bc- 
"  hind  me.'* 

But  i>.j  author  ci"  the  addrefs  tclfs  us :  the  difpute  with  Great- 
Britain  is  ^e  lam  caprhia.  I  learnt  a  little  Latin  at  fchool,  fo 
with  the  help  of  my  fcholarlhip,  and  from  what  follows,  I  con- 

jedure  that  this^means  goats  wool : That  this  to  fay,  all  the 

grievances  America  has  laboured  under  for  a  dozen  years  paft^, 
amount  to  a  meer  trifle  ;  which  is  fo  ihockingly  abfurd^that  it 
would  be  ridiculous  to  honour  it  with  the  ceremony  of  a  con- 
futation. 

As  to  the  thought  of  eftabliflung  a  republic  in  America,, 
breaking  off  our  connexion  with  Great-Britain,  and  becoming 
independent  :  I  confider  it  as  the  moft  vain,  empty,  fhaUow, 
and  ridiculous  projeft,  that  could  poHibly  enter  into  the  heart 
of  man.  I  do  not  believe  there  are  five  hundred  on  the  conti- 
nent, who  have  the  leal  pretenfions  to  common  fenfe,  and  who 
would  not  rifque  their  dearefl  blood,  to  prevent  fuch  meafures : 
This  fuppoAtion,  therefore,  and  what  relates  to  it,  I  confider 
meerly  ai«  an  introduction  to  his  cenfures  on  the  Congrefs,  Thefe 
ccnfures  fecm  to  be  the  main  bufinefs  and  intention  of  the  pam- 
phlet.    Jf  therefore  in  the  avowed  purpofe  of  it  (a  coaadcration 


/  ■ 


f 


i  2&  ; 


of  the  oppoiitlon  in  America  on  principles  of  prudence  and  poi' 
Jicy)  I  ihvp.  be  able  to  fiiew,  that  the  author  is  much  miftakcn  in 
condeinnln^j  thofe  meafurcs  which  the  Congrels  hath  adopted; 
then  all  his" declamation  upon  that  fubjeft,^will  be  as  the  idle 
wind,  v/hichpaflethti.vay  and  is  heard  no  more. 

Thef^rft  reflefiions  he  cafts  on  this  refpeftable  body,  are  for 
adopting  the  Suffolk  refolves.      The   aljperit^   and   bitternefs 
which  appears  in  thispart  of  the  pamphlet,  are  to  be  attributed 
to  the  great  warmth  of  the  reverend  compufer.    Reproaches  from 
aiji^  angry  man  are  eafily  forgiven  ;  avid  that  meeknefs  of  difpo- 
lltion 'which  attends  the  miniitcrs  of  peace,  will  I  hope  mode- 
rate  the  unchriftian  tranfports  of  our  authors  zeal,  as  foonas  his 
miilakes  are  difcovered.     l^y  a  member  of  the  Congrefs,  whofe 
h-onor  and  veracity  ftand  unimpeached,  I  am  authorized  to  de- 
clare, that  the  Congrefs  did  not  adopt  the  Suliblk  refolves.  That 
t\tk  refolves  were  never  fo  much  as  read  lor  debate  ;  and  that 
upon  the  common  reading,  the  fenfe  of  that  body  was,  that  it 
was  proper  to  recommend  moderate  and  pacific  condud,  fup- 
I>orted_by  firmnefs  and  rcfolution.     The  language  of  the  Con- 
grefs, in  confequence  of  this  determination,  is  as  follows : 


,  I 


I 


li 


Refolvcd  unanimoiijly^ 

That  we  thoroughly  approve  the  wifdom  and  fortitude,  with 
which  oppofition  has  been  hitherto  conduiSled;  and  earneftly  re- 
commend a  perfeverance  in  the  fame  firm  and  temperate  conduft,, . 
as  expreifed  in  the  lefolution  &c.  Now  then  I  appeal  to  the 
world,  whether  this  is  the  cordial  approbation  of  an  independent  • 
government.  Whether  it  is  a  tranfport  of  joy  on  the  news  of 
revolt.  Whether  it  is  a  league  with  the  worft  enemies  of  A-, 
racrica,  fuicly  it  i.-^  not.  I'he  fair  reputation  of  thofc  Gentle- 
men who  compofcd  the  Congrefs,  render  fuch  imputations 
almcft  unpardonable.  It  is  a  duty  therefore  incumbent  on  the 
author  of  the  Addrefs,  to  make  fome  public  acknowledgement; 
many  did  indeed  exped  that  fome  conftitution  would  have  been 
pointed  out,  to  fccure  and  eltablilli  the  freedom  of  America,, 
and  the  fovereignty  of  that  fupreme  legiflature,  which  ought 
certainly  to  govern  the  whole  empire.  This  is  a  confummation 
devoutly  to  be  willied  for,  but  it  is  not  the  work  of  a  moment. 
Eefider,,  it  might  have  been  thought  prefumptuous  in  them  to 
undertake  what  is  properly  the  bufinefs  of  the  Britifh  Parlia- 
ment, and  the  refpeaive  legiflaturcs  of  the  Continent.     Why 

then 


I      1 


c 


a; 


) 


.  I 


then  arc  thofe  pcifons,  who  have  gcncroufly  devoted  their  fer^ 
vices  to  the  Public,  why  are  they  to  be  cciifured,  for  ii  f:n  of 
omifiion ;  which  at  any  rate  is  pardonable  on  the  fcore  of  human, 
infirmity  ? 

Much  paperisconfumedin  the  Addrefs,  to  paint  thofe  horrors 
which  await  on  civil  w::r.  To  this  1  have  no  objcftion.  For 
there  is  not  a  creature  livingr,  to  whom  fuch  a  profp^-iS  is  nwre 
terrible  than  myfelf.  And  I  dare  iay,  a  candid  dcfcripdon  of 
rny  own  feelings  on  the  fubj'^.dt,  would  convey  as  gsnuin*  mirks 
of  deteftation  for  that  horrible  catnftrophe,  ss  the  laboured  pe- 
riods of  the  author  before  u:i.  Cut  I  fee  no  reafons  for  fuch  appre- 
hchiions.  Neither  do  I  think  that  man  a  friend  to  either  coun- 
try, who  fpeaks  of  war  betv/een  them  except  in  the  {tile  of  con- 
tempt. To  imagine  that  Ai.-erica  can  cope  with  Great  Britain, 
is  the  excefs  of  ftupidity.  And  even  if  we  were  capable  of  the 
conteft,  were  we  certain  of  obtaining  victory,  I  iliould  pray  that 
,  the  hand  in  which  I  hold  my  pen,  might  wither  e'er  it  drew  the 
fword. — But  let  not  the  dieud  of  power,  draw  off  our  attention 
from  the  purfuit  of  freedom.  Let  us  in  every  inftance  follow 
that  example  which  our  author  recommends.  In  imitation  o*" 
the  inhabitants  of  Rye;  whenever  either  duty  to  the  mother 
country,  or  enthufiafm'in  thecaufe  of  humanity,  dial  I  hurry  us 
beyond  the  true  line,  of  patriotifm  or  obedience,^  let  uptake 
tiieearliell  opportunity  to  re  trad  our  errors,  and  acknowledge 
our  miftakcs.-r-Refiilance  againil  opprcffion,  is  the  undoubted 
privilege  of  mankind;  but  civil refiilance  alone,  is  jufduable  in 
civil  fociety. 

I  come  now  to  what  our  author  hath  faid  of  the  non-importa» 
tion  agreement. — This  he  likens  to  the  cutting-  off  an  arm,  for 
a  lore  on  one  of  the  fing;.-*.".  Simih'cs  are  very  agreeable  and 
proper,  where  they  tend  to  throw  ligiit  on  the  fubjscl. — Nov/, 
if  a  man  hath  a  fore  on  his  finger,  he  v/ill  naturally  put  a  piai- 
ilcr  to  it.  If  the  finger  gvov/s  worfc,  and  he  grov.s  timid,  he 
icnds  for  a  furgeon.  If  the  topical  applications  of  the  furgeon' 
are  inelncacious,  and  a  gangrene  cnfues,  the  p:ut3  mc  Icariiied, 
and  the  bone  cleanfcd.  li\  this  fails  of  fucccis,  and  corruption 
fpreads  along  the  limb,  and  threatens  the  vltrds,  the  only  heps 
which  remains  is  from  amputation.  True  it  is,  the  patient  ma/ 
loofe  much  blood,  by  the  incifion  of  his  arteries,  and  death  ;t- 
felf  may  be  the  confequence.  But  by  undergoing  it  he  has  a 
iihance  for  life,  and  otherwife  his  cafe  is  derperatc.     As  an  en- 

D  2,.  couragement. 


.,^,j»^-^»*»^--'irtiiii^ 


(    28    ) 

•ouragcment  in  fuch  difficult  emergencies,  the  fcriptures  tell  us, 
if  thy  member  ofFeudeth  thee,  cut  it  ofF,  and  caft  it  away. 

Now,  reader,  let  me  entreat  your  patience  a  little  while  longer. 
Pray  obferve.  The  liberties  of  this  country  have  been  infringed 
in  an  article  of  trade.  Common  fenfe  informs  us,  that  if  one 
iinpofition  is  admitted,  another  will  follow.  Petitions  and  re- 
monilrances,  have  been  prefented  in  vain.  When  we  refufed 
the  dutiable  commodity,  it  was  almoft  forced  upon  our  accc  st- 
ance. No  hope  therefore  remains  from  common  efforts.  And 
the  queftion  is  reduced  to  this  fhort  alternative :  Which  is  moft 
advantageous,  commerce  or  freedom?  One  o-  the  other,  we 
Jnuit  forego.  The  one  for  a  time,  or  the  other  forever.  I  will 
wave  the  common  obfervation,  which  is  level  to  the  loweft  capa-^ 
city,  that  without  freedom  trade  cannot  flourifh.  But  I  muft 
beg  leave  to  examine,  from  reafon  and  experience.  Whether  x 
ceflation  of  trade  will  not  procure  us  relief? 

Nothing  is  more  evident,  than  that  the  trade  between  Britain* 
and  the  northern  colonies,  brings  yearly  very  large  fums  of 
monr'y  to  the  latter.  That  the  balance  of  all  the  other  trade 
fhe  enjoys,  is  on  the  whole  againft  her.  And  that  her  annual. 
txpen':es  amount  to  an  enormous  fum,  great  part  whereof  is 
paid  into  foreign  countries,  as  intereftfor  the  national  debt  Is 
-It  not  then  equally  evident,  that  a  fufpenfion  of  her  contmerc« 
with  us,  mull'greatlydiftrefsher?  And  to  heighten  this  diftrefs, 
what  can  be  more  eifedual  than  to  embarrafs  her  trade  with  the 
iflands  ?  Every  good  heart  would  wiih  to  avoid  this,  and  it  ii 
not  our  fmalleU  misfortune,  that  to  make  men  reafon,  we  mut 
make  them  feel.  H^-^ppy  would  it  be  if  the  authors  of  our  m'i- 
fery,  were  the  only  fufFerers.  To  e£fc£l  this  defirable  purpofe 
VrC  had  but  one  way,  which  v/as  to  iiiijure  the  revenue,  in  fuch 
manner  as  toliokl  them  up  to  the  refentment  of  the  nation  j 
and  tliis  has  been  done. — The  wifefl  mcafures  may  fail,  but 
thefe  at  leafl  promifc  fucccfs.-— Great-Britain  may  indeed  very 
eafily  put  an  entire  Itep  to  all  our  commerce.  But  this  (if  we 
may  believe  the  Addreis)  is  a  mild  puniflimenton  Bofton.  And 
if  fo,  why  cannot  we  all  undergo  it  ?  No,  fays  he,  inflidedon 
all  of  us,  it  Vv^ould  be  very  fevere.  It  would  fo,but  I  truft  not 
lulling.  Will  a  ftoppage  of  our  trade,  pay  the  debts  we  owe 
ia  England?  Will  {hutting  up  our  ports,  breed  failors  for  the 
j^avy  of  Britain?  Millions  in  Europe  are  fed  by  the  American 
plough ;  while  bread  can  be  purchafed  on  this  contiijent  will 
.  |l\ey  I|;arve  ?  Will  the  'Monarchs  of  France  and  Spain  fee  their 

^  fubjeds, 


li 


•ai4V..-*i*.«a!£#" 


iiWirinj^iiiiii 


(     29     ) 

febjcfti  perifli,  that  Americans  m.iy  be  reduced  to  flavery  ?  All 
thefe  things  may  happen,  and  after  all,  this  country  is  capable 
c^  fupporting  its  inhabitants. 

Great  are  the  difficulties  we  labour  under,  and  many  are  the 
obftacles  we  mull  furmount.     For  the  road  to  freedom  and 
virtue,  is  not  ftrewed  with  flowers,  but  fprinkled  with  thorns. 
Perhaps  our  fortitude  is  not  equal  to  the  ♦^afk,  if  fo,  we  deferve 
the  confequences.      But  remember,    that   tl.e  mother-country 
muft  fufFer  with  her  colonies :  Remember,  that  a  Non-Impor- 
tation has  once  procured  a  redrefs  of  our  grievances.     Remember 
that  Concord  is  the  parent  cf  fuccefs.      Remember,    that  th© 
worft  which  can  poflibly  bef^il  us,  even  at  the  laft,  is  that  very 
flavery  which  we  muft  now  refift  or  fubmit  to.     OAmericans! 
thefe  confiderations  are  fubmitted  to  you.      Attend,    and  xiiay 
the  God  of  wifdom,  who  foreknoweth  all  human  events,  fo  di- 
j-eA  you,  as  is  moft  comformable  to  the  myfterious  intentions  of 
ins  Divine  Providence.     For  the  good  of  his  creatures,  muft  be 
the  will  of  him  who  is  infinite,  goodnefs. 


•fT' 


POSTSCRIPT. 


/  thought  it  right  to  m»et  the  author  on  his  own  ground^ 
end  therefore  no  notice  is  taken  in  the  foregoing  Jheets^  cf 
that  very  equitable  Bill^  which  tnakes  offences  in  the  co- 
lonies ^  triable  in  England.  A  Bill  by  which  the  mofi 
criminal  ^artizan  of  government  may  b9  fcreened  from  pu^ 

nifhment 


ipe^hiit.^ 


«JBMfJi«tW»^ 


.u_i. 


■""''ii''*i|l*-if""''lii{iti 


-'riT--— 'V" 


-•**■. 


•jgs?**^*'-*<feii 


.P    O    S    T.    S    C    R    I    P    t. 

ni/hmeni.  A  BUI  b-  which  any  porman  m'Amerka^m^ 
he  Urn  from  all  the  tender  eft  connetlions^oflife-,  dragged 
in  chains  acrofs  the  Atlantic  ^cean^  and  left  there  frtmd- 
kfs  andforiorn^  with  the  blejfed  alternative  to  ftarve  or 
hang.  This  alfo  is  piblic  juftice'—mild  ^unifimtnt^atii 
folitical  iiecejfity. 


N 


I.    .& 


y 


Ik. 


#f.?* 


^% 


dragged 
^  friend" 
arve  or 
it — ani 


,y^ 


/ 


??^     . 


^ 


Hi 


I 


MiM    , 


I  >-. 


